《查理周刊》遇袭一年祭 One year after Charlie Hebdo France is in need of vision
A year after the terrorist attack on the offices of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo, the mood in France is a mixture of resilience, uncertainty and growing internal division.
在讽刺漫画杂志《查理周刊》(Charlie Hebdo)编辑部遭遇恐怖袭击一年后，法国全国的情绪夹杂着坚韧、不确定以及日益扩大的内部分裂。
The murder of 12 people at the magazine and four people at a Jewish supermarket two days later presaged the slaughter carried out in Paris on November 13 by terrorists claiming allegiance to the militant Islamists of Isis.
去年1月7日《查理周刊》遇袭造成12人遇害，两天后一家犹太超市遇袭造成4人死亡。去年11月13日，一群声称忠于“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国”(ISIS)伊斯兰主义武装分子的恐怖分子在巴黎发动了又一场杀戮。
The sense of threat lingers, with heavily armed soldiers and police patrolling the streets of the capital and other big cities.
全副武装的军警在巴黎及法国其他大城市的大街小巷上巡逻，在这种情况下，面临威胁的感觉挥之不去。
France is at war and must be prepared for the possibility, if not probability, of further attacks, as President Hollande warned in his traditional New Year address.
正如法国总统弗朗索瓦攠朗德( Hollande)在传统的新年致辞中所警告的那样，法国正处于战争状态，必须为遭受进一步袭击的可能性（就算不是大概率事件）做好准备。
Yet the terrorists have failed. If resistance means going to cafés, bars and restaurants and attending concerts, after a week or so of disarray, then life goes on, albeit with fewer Japanese and Americans tourists. The French have chosen to live as though they are not potential targets of further attacks.
不过，恐怖分子失败了。如果抵抗意味着在经历一周左右的混乱后人们重新进入咖啡店、酒吧和餐厅、以及参加音乐会的话，那么巴黎的生活在继续，尽管日本和美国游客有所减少。法国人选择照常生活，就好像自己不是下一波袭击的潜在目标。
If the goal of the terrorists was to divide the French people and to encourage support for the far-right National Front while pushing the large Muslim minority into the arms of radical fundamentalists, they failed in that too.
如果恐怖分子的目标是分裂法国人、促使人们支持极右翼的国民阵线(National Front)，同时把人数众多的穆斯林少数族裔推向激进原教旨主义者的怀抱，那么他们也失败了。
Polls show strong support for military action in the Middle East and the Sahel, and indeed many voters are proud of their country’s renewed international clout. They are persuaded by Mr Hollande’s assertion that the fight against terrorism cannot be won on the home front alone.
民调显示，法国人强烈支持在中东和萨赫勒地区采取军事行动，的确很多选民对于法国重拾国际影响力感到骄傲。他们认同奥朗德的断言，即仅靠国内行动无法击败恐怖主义。
Despite this resilience, some difficult questions remain to be answered. Were the murdered journalists provided with sufficient protection, given the number of threats made against them?
尽管法国人展现出这种韧性，但是一些棘手的问题仍然有待解答。考虑到《查理周刊》那些遇害的新闻从业者曾面对的诸多威胁，他们是否被给予了足够的保护？
Why were the intelligence services taken by surprise in January and again in November? Is the French state strong enough to confront the threat of terrorism effectively now that it appears to be one of the principal targets of Isis in Europe?
为什么在1月份措手不及后，情报部门对11月发生的袭击仍然毫无防备？既然法国似乎成为了ISIS在欧洲的主要目标之一，法国政府是否强大到能够有效应对恐怖主义的威胁？
A strong state is not one that violates its fundamental values in the name of security. The country that invented human rights cannot be seen to flout the Universal Declaration of Human Rights — a document that it helped to inspire.
一个强大的国家，不会以安全的名义去违背自己的根本价值观。最先提出人权的国家不能公然蔑视当初它给予灵感的《世界人权宣言》(Universal Declaration of Human Rights)。
Yet, with the government’s proposal to strip French citizenship from dual nationals convicted of terrorist offences, France risks doing just that.
但是，鉴于法国政府提议对被判犯有恐怖主义罪行的双重国籍人士剥夺其法国国籍，法国正面临着这种风险。
This step will not act as a deterrent against terrorism: anyone willing to blow themselves up will care little about losing their French passport. Worse, the plan evokes, however faintly, the measures taken during the second world war by the Vichy regime against French citizens of Jewish origin.
此举不会起到震慑恐怖主义的作用：愿意充当人体炸弹的人不会在乎失去法国护照。更糟的是，该计划有可能让人想起二战期间维希政权针对犹太裔法国公民的所作所为。
The effectiveness of France’s interventionist foreign policy stance is also unclear. It is doubtful that bombing Isis forces in Iraq and Syria makes a real difference unless it is accompanied by the use of competent regional forces on the ground.
法国采取干涉主义外交政策姿态的效果也不明显。除非配合有战斗力的当地武装力量的地面作战，否则在伊拉克和叙利亚轰炸ISIS的有效性令人怀疑。
Beneath these uncertainties lie cultural and social fractures that run deep in France and may have grown deeper in the past year.
这些不确定性的背后是法国深层次的文化割裂和社会分裂，过去一年这些问题可能进一步恶化了。
The slogan proudly adopted by millions last January was “Je suis Charlie” — but by no means everyone in France is Charlie.
去年1月，数百万人曾高喊“我是查理”(Je suis Charlie)的口号，但是这绝不意味着现在每个法国人都是查理。
The cover of the “anniversary” issue of Charlie Hebdo, published this week, which depicts God as an “assassin still at large”, will do little to assuage those who believe the magazine to be gratuitously offensive.
《查理周刊》恐袭“周年”特刊于日前发行，其封面把上帝描画成一个“仍然逍遥法外的凶手”，这丝毫不能缓和那些认为该杂志无端冒犯信仰的人的愤怒。
More seriously, if France wants to continue to present itself to the world as the country of liberty, equality and fraternity — and it should probably add “security” if it is serious about protecting the democratic nature of the French republic — those in charge have to answer fundamental questions.
更严重的是，如果法国想继续向世界表明它是一个自由、平等、友爱——如果它真的想保住法兰西共和国的民主本质，还应该加入“安全”——的国家，执政者就必须回答这些根本问题。
The most important of these concerns the progress that the authorities have made in trying to regain control of the republic’s lost territories — these are the deprived suburbs of France’s biggest cities where young people, enmeshed in crime, drugs and violence, have become the foot soldiers of jihad.
其中最重要的问题，涉及到当局在试图重新掌控失去的领土方面的进展。在法国一些大城市的贫困郊区，沉溺于犯罪、毒品和暴力的年轻人已经成为了圣战的士卒。
In order for France to remain resilient, it needs to offer a vision of progress for all its citizens and not simply to react to attacks and provocation in knee-jerk fashion.
为了让法国保持韧性，它需要向全体公民提出一个进展愿景，而不仅仅是条件反射式地对袭击和挑衅作出反应。
