收入不平等加剧或深化社会分隔
When Bill de Blasio successfully ran for mayor of New York City in 2013, he campaigned against a tale of two cities divided between rich and poor.
2013年当比尔•德布拉西奥(Bill de Blasio)竞选纽约市长时，他的竞选口号之一是反对贫富割裂的一座城市两种生活。德布拉西奥成功当选。
And when Sadiq Khan won London’s mayoral election in May, he did so after promising a London living wage and a London living rent to combat low pay and high housing costs.
今年5月萨迪克汗(Sadiq Khan)赢得伦敦市长选举，在那之前，他承诺要制定伦敦最低生活工资(London living wage)和伦敦居民房租标准(London living rent)，以对抗低工资和高住房成本。
Economic inequality, increasingly central to international and national economic policy discussions, is making its mark on city-level politics as well.
经济不平等作为国际上和国内经济政策讨论中越来越核心的议题，也在对城市层级的政治产生影响。
Studies show income inequality has risen in cities across the US and Europe.
研究显示，在整个美国和欧洲，城市的收入不平等问题都在加剧。
Edward Glaeser, an economics professor at Harvard, says there was a dramatic increase in inequality in [US] cities between 1980 and 2006.
哈佛大学(Harvard)经济学教授爱德华•格莱泽(Edward Glaeser)表示，1980至2006年间美国城市的不平等程度显著上升。
A study, co-authored by Mr Glaeser, says: with one exception all metropolitan areas went up in inequality in this period.
格莱泽与人合著的一项研究指出：这一时期所有大城市地区的不平等程度都在走高，只有一个城市例外。
Similarly, a study of 13 European capital cities has found that in 10 of them, economic inequality rose in the first decade of this century.
类似的，对欧洲13个首都城市的一项研究也发现，其中有10个城市的经济不平等程度在本世纪头十年中加剧了。
Maarten van Ham, a professor at the universities of Delft and St Andrew’s and one of the authors, adds that socio-economic segregation — the degree to which the rich and the poor live in different parts of the city — rose in 12 out of the 13.
马尔滕•范汉姆(Maarten van Ham)是荷兰代尔夫特理工大学(Delft University of Technology)和圣安德鲁斯大学(University of St Andrews)的教授，同时也是这项研究的作者之一。他补充称，在这13座城市当中，有12座城市的社会经济割裂程度（即富人和穷人分别生活于同一城市不同区域这种情况的严重程度）加深。
Often when inequality increases it takes [time] to see increased segregation, says Mr van Ham.
范汉姆表示：通常当不平等加剧时，要滞后一段时间才会观察到社会分隔加剧。
We think segregation by income will increase even more in the next decade.
我们认为未来十年由收入导致的社会割裂将进一步深化。
The harm such segregation may cause is only now being understood.
直到现在，人们才开始了解这种割裂可能导致的危害。
In the US, the Stanford University economist Raj Chetty caused waves by demonstrating that intergenerational mobility varies enormously according to the neighbourhood a person grows up in.
在美国，斯坦福大学(Stanford University)经济学家拉杰•切迪(Raj Chetty)的研究激起了巨大反响。他的研究显示，代际流动性因个体成长的社区环境不同而存在巨大差异。
Each year children spend in the most upwardly mobile neighbourhoods, Mr Chetty found, causes their adult incomes to be 0.8 per cent higher compared to the national average.
切迪发现，儿童在向上流动性最强的社区中每生活一年，他们成年后的收入水平将因此较全国平均值高出0.8%。
Each year in the worst neighbourhoods lowers their adult incomes by 0.7 per cent.
而在向上流动性最差的社区中每生活一年，将导致儿童成年后的收入降低0.7%。
But scholars caution against thinking inequality can be primarily addressed at city level.
但学者们警告称，不应认为不平等问题可以主要在城市这一层面上得到应对。
The processes that led to segregation reflect global economic changes in the structure of the labour market especially, says Mr van Ham.
导致社会割裂的种种进程反映出了全球经济状况的种种变化，尤其是劳动力市场结构中的这种变化，范汉姆表示。
The number of professionals has been increasing a lot and there are also a lot of low-income families.
专业人士的数量明显增多，与此同时也出现了大量的低收入家庭。
In Vienna, the number of professionals doubled in a decade, Mr van Ham and his colleagues found.
范汉姆和他的同事们发现，在维也纳，专业人士的数量在十年间翻了一番。
These are people with high incomes and, if you have money, you can choose a nice place to live.
这些人的收入较高，而当你有钱之后，你可以选择在一个较好地段居住。
So housing got much more expensive in the most attractive parts of Vienna and the lower paid could not afford to live there any more.
因此维也纳最具魅力的地段住房成本大幅攀升，收入较低群体无力负担继续在这些地段生活。
Mr Glaeser points out that if national-level inequality does not improve, more egalitarian cities would simply mean reshuffling rich and poor citizens into separate cities, resulting in more segregation rather than integration.
格莱泽指出，在国家层面的不平等没有改善的情况下，城市主张进一步的平等化将仅意味着将富人和穷人重新安排到不同城市，导致更进一步的社会割裂而非融合。
And while more unequal US cities in the 1980s were poorer ones, he found, that relationship has changed.
格莱泽发现，二十世纪八十年代不平等严重的美国城市通常较为贫穷，但这一关系已经发生了改变。
Today, a city may be more unequal than another not because it has more poverty but because it has more rich people.
如今，一座城市比另一座城市更不平等的原因，可能不是因为贫困人口更多，而是因为富人更多。
If you increase inequality by plopping in a bunch of tech billionaires in an area, that can’t be bad for growth, Mr Glaeser argues.
格莱泽指出：如果你将一群科技亿万富翁引入一个地区而加剧了收入不平等程度，这不会对经济增长带来不利影响。
What we should be worrying about is whether cities are places of opportunity for the poor.
我们应当担心的是，城市对于穷人来说是否仍是充满机遇的地方。
Mr van Ham agrees.
范汉姆同意这种观点。
If you see segregation as a problem, then I see as the solution investment in people, education, jobs, children — offer them opportunities.
如果你认为社会割裂是一个问题，那么在我看来解决方案是投资于人、教育、就业以及儿童——为他们提供机遇。
You can’t solve inequality in one generation.
你不可能在一代人的时间里化解不平等。
The ability of city leaders to reduce inequality is limited.
城市领导者在降低收入不平等方面所能发挥的作用有限。
Anything that smacks of crude redistribution is likely to be ineffective, says Mr Glaeser, as this will just drive the rich to the suburbs.
格莱泽表示，任何带有初始收入再分配色彩的举措很可能都不会成功，因为这将促使富人群体迁往郊区。
That does not mean leaders such as Mr Khan and Mr de Blasio can wash their hands of the problem.
但这并不意味着像萨迪克汗和比尔•德布拉西奥这样的城市领导者可以对不平等问题放手不管。
In Europe, Mr van Ham says: If we’re not careful, in 15 to 20 years our cities will be much more segregated than now.
范汉姆指出，在欧洲地区，如果我们不小心应对，15至20年后，城市的贫富割裂程度将比现在严重得多。
He worries about rushing the job of settling refugees recently arrived in Europe.
他担心政府可能会草率推进新近来到欧洲的难民的安置工作。
People say let’s move them to places where there are houses available, Mr van Ham notes, while pointing out that these are places where nobody wants to live because of a lack of amenities and opportunities.
人们会说，把他们迁到有房可住的地方，范汉姆表示；他同时指出，那些地方通常没有人愿意居住，因为缺乏配套设施和发展机会。
That creates problems for the future.
这会给未来埋下隐患。
How will they respond in 15 to 20 years?
15至20年后，他们将如何应对？
While cities may try in vain to reduce inequality directly, Mr Glaeser suggests they can help us learn about policies that at the national level would make a difference.
城市为降低收入不平等而采取的直接举措或许会徒劳无功，但格莱泽指出，这些尝试可以帮助我们进一步了解相关政策，而在国家层面这些政策或许能产生效果。
There are a lot of [socio-economic challenges] to which we don’t know the right answer, he says.
对于很多社会经济方面的挑战，我们并不知道正确答案，他表示。
He cites the provision of pre-school education at a reasonable cost and the training of entrepreneurs as examples.
他举出的例子是，以合理成本提供学前教育以及对创业者的培训。
What cities should be are laboratories for opportunity, where we experiment with different things, Mr Glaeser says. Cities should do what they do best, which is fundamentally to produce knowledge.
城市应当成为机遇的实验室，成为我们尝试不同事物的地方，格莱泽表示，城市该去做它们最擅长的事，本质上也就是生产知识。
