借跨大西洋能源协议向普京释放信号

Energy has always been central to creating a trade and investment bloc through the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. If a TTIP agreement can reduce wide differences in energy prices between Europe and the U.S., Europeans will pay less for energy, while American energy producers will finally be able to profit from the recent energy boom by selling at competitive market prices. Trying to artificially hold down prices has heavy costs for domestic producers, encourages consumption, and dampens energy production over time.

在通过《跨大西洋贸易及投资伙伴协定》(Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, 简称TTIP)建立贸易和投资联盟的磋商中，能源问题一直是关键所在。如果TTIP能够缩小欧洲和美国之间巨大的能源价格差异，欧洲人在能源上的花费将会减少，而美国能源生产商最终也能够通过具有竞争力的市场价格从最近的能源热潮中获利。试图人为压低能源价格将令国内生产商付出沉重代价，同时会刺激能源消费，而在长期内抑制能源生产。

Yet recent events in Ukraine and Russia have made clear that creating a trans-Atlantic energy market is about more than economic efficiency. Energy cooperation has become an indispensable pillar of the Western security community, which has played a central role in maintaining peace in Europe for more than 60 years.

Reuters但最近乌克兰和俄罗斯的冲突清楚表明，建立一个跨大西洋能源市场不仅仅具有经济意义。能源合作已经成为西方安全同盟一个不可或缺的支柱，而该同盟在维护欧洲60多年来的和平中发挥了关键作用。

Today the European Union produces only a small portion of its energy needs, importing about 80% of its oil and some 60% of its gas. More than a third of this oil and 30% of the gas is of Russian origin. Only four countries in the EU-Portugal, Spain, Ireland and Sweden-are able to do without any Russian gas. By reducing European energy dependency on Russia, both the U.S. and Europe will be better able to defend and promote their values-while capturing the immense gains from greater economic integration between the world's two largest economies.

当前，欧盟只有小部分能源是自产的，大约80%的石油和60%的天然气需要进口。超过三分之一的进口石油和30%的进口天然气来自俄罗斯。欧盟成员国中只有四个国家能够完全不依靠俄罗斯的天然气，它们是葡萄牙、西班牙、爱尔兰和瑞典。通过减少欧洲对俄罗斯的能源依赖，美国和欧洲都能更好地保护及宣扬自己的价值观，同时获取世界两大经济体之间实现经济进一步一体化所带来的巨大好处。

During a visit to Washington this month, I could sense a new enthusiasm for focusing on ways to significantly increase American energy exports to Europe. Lifting U.S. export restrictions would be the first step, but we must also speed up infrastructure development, especially for liquefied natural gas.

在本月访问华盛顿期间，我可以感觉到对专注于如何大幅增加美国对欧洲能源出口的一股新热情。取消美国的出口限制将是第一步，但我们还必须加快基础设施的发展，特别是液化天然气的基础设施。

The main constraint seems to be time. Six LNG terminals approved by the Obama administration still need approval from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission before construction can begin. It could be years before shipments of LNG can make their way across the Atlantic. And then there is the TTIP. While talks are on track, this ambitious project might take two or three years to complete.

主要制约因素似乎是时间。已获奥巴马政府批准的六个液化天然气终端在开工建设之前，仍需获得美国联邦能源监管委员会(Federal Energy Regulatory Commission)的批准。美国的液化天然气运到大西洋另一边的欧洲可能需要数年时间才能实现。此外，还有TTIP问题。尽管谈判正在步入轨道，但这项宏大的项目可能需要两三年的时间才能完成。

Given recent events in Ukraine, we don't have time to wait for the full trade agreement. Instead, Europe and the U.S. should begin work immediately on a separate charter setting out the main steps for creating a trans-Atlantic energy market. This energy charter could be agreed on and signed in months, having a quick impact on the increasingly critical security crisis.

鉴于最近的乌克兰局势，我们没时间等待达成完整的贸易协定。欧洲和美国应该立即开始研究一项单独的协议，制定创建跨大西洋能源市场的主要步骤。双方可能在几个月后就能达成共识并签署能源协议，从而对日益严重的安全危机产生迅速的影响。

A trans-Atlantic energy charter should have four main chapters. First, it would immediately lift American export restrictions for oil and gas sold to Europeans. As President Obama recently put it, American natural gas will go 'into the open market,' so this is no gift to Europeans.

跨大西洋能源协议应当包括四个主要部分。首先，它会立即取消美国对于向欧洲出售油气的出口限制。正如美国总统奥巴马最近所说的，美国天然气将“进入公开市场”，因此这并不是免费给欧洲人的礼物。

Second, the U.S. would commit to an ambitious program of energy infrastructure directed at creating the terminals and transport facilities to exploit the new energy market. The U.S. Energy Department could scrap individual reviews for LNG export facilities in favor of a single, en-masse approval, and recommend to the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission that it expedite all energy-charter projects.

第二，美国将会致力于一个宏大的能源基础设施项目，旨在打造相应的接收站和运输设施以开拓欧洲这一新的能源市场。美国能源部(U.S. Energy Department)可能取消逐一审批液化天然气出口设施，代之以统一的全体审批，并建议美国联邦能源监管委员会(Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, 简称FERC)加快所有与能源协议相关的项目。

Third, Europeans would make a similar commitment to infrastructure development. Europe already benefits from a high number of gas terminals, but cross-border gas pipelines and electricity interconnections are still lacking.

第三，欧洲可能同样致力于基础设施开发。欧洲已经受益于数量众多的天然气接收站，但仍缺乏跨境天然气管道以及电网。

There is no point in going ahead with a trans-Atlantic energy charter without simultaneously completing the EU internal market in energy. For example, the Iberian Peninsula has the potential to become a major alternative supply route of gas from across the Atlantic to the rest of Europe.

如果不同时完善欧盟内部的能源市场，推进跨大西洋能源协议就会毫无意义。例如，伊比利亚半岛有可能成为横跨大西洋向欧洲其他地区供应天然气的主要替代供应线路。

Finally, the EU would have to make a genuine effort to bring its environmental and state-aid standards closer to American practice. We understand that Americans would be frustrated if there were a blanket ban on shale-gas extraction in Europe (and few countries have a ban now), especially if it is combined with government support for local energy producers. Both sides need to compromise, and Europeans are ready to deliver.

最后，欧盟还必须切实采取措施，让其环境和国家补助标准接近美国的做法。我们深知，如果欧洲出台针对页岩气开采的整体禁令（现在有少数国家有此禁令），美国人将会感到失望，尤其是如果政府对当地能源生产商还有扶持的话。双方都需要妥协，而欧洲已经做好了准备。

Rarely has there been such a perfect alignment of economic, security and foreign policy goals. Energy planning is not unlike investing in financial securities, where diversification is used to manage risk under a variety of unpredictable outcomes. A trans-Atlantic energy market would be deep enough to withstand almost all conceivable supply-and-demand shocks. It would boost confidence and investment in energy and the overall economies.

经济、安全和外交政策目标很少像这样完全契合。能源规划与投资金融证券并无不同，面对众多不可预知的结果，人们会采用多元化的办法来管理风险。跨大西洋的能源市场将会足够深厚，能够经受住几乎所有想得到的供求动荡。它将会提振人们对于能源的信心、加大能源投资，同时还将提振整体经济。

But energy infrastructure is enormously expensive, and investors will not take a more integrated market seriously unless we send a clear message that a new era of American and European energy planning has begun. Such a message would also reach another set of watchers: Countries that like to use their energy supplies in ways that run counter to American and European interests will see their influence wane. A trans-Atlantic energy charter is our best option and our best tool in the face of an increasingly uncertain future.

但能源基础设施的成本极高，而且投资者不会重视一个更加一体化的市场，除非我们发出明确信号，表明美国和欧洲能源规划的新时代已经开启。这样的信号还会影响到另外一群观察者：想以违背欧美利益的方式运用其能源供应的国家会发现它们的影响力减弱。面对越来越充满不确定性的未来，跨大西洋能源协议是我们最好的选择，也是我们最好的工具。

Mr. Macaes is Portugal's secretary of state for European affairs.

（本文作者是葡萄牙欧洲事务部长）