昂山素季抨击缅甸政府伪民主

Aung San Suu Kyi insists she can still lead Myanmar despite her fears that the transition from dictatorship has become a “parody of democracy” ahead of elections due this year.

尽管昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)担心缅甸摆脱独裁的转型已演变为今年大选前的一场“民主滑稽戏”，但她依然坚称自己能够成为这个国家的领导人。

The opposition leader vowed to campaign to curb the former ruling generals’ power and scrap a law that would stop her becoming president once polls billed as a decisive break from more than half a century of military control take place.

这位反对党领袖承诺将致力于限制以前执政的将军们的权力，并废除一项一旦大选开始将阻碍她成为缅甸总统的法律。此次的大选被宣扬为代表着缅甸彻底告别多半个世纪来的军事统治。

While the Nobel Peace laureate also sounded more conciliatory notes, her comments underscore the daunting constitutional and power-sharing issues in the politically complex and conflict-ridden country.

尽管这位诺贝尔奖(Nobel Peace)得主的话语中也包含一些和解色彩较强的论调，但她的言论突显出，这个政治形势复杂且冲突不断的国家正面临严峻的宪法和权力分享问题。

“It is dangerous particularly because it’s not a real democracy,” she said in an interview in her offices in the vast parliamentary complex in Naypyidaw, the generals’ purpose-built, eerily empty capital city. “But there are many who would like to believe or . . . to pretend that it’s a real democracy.”

“这很危险，主要是因为它并非真正的民主，”她在缅甸首都内比都巨大的议会大楼的办公室里接受采访时表示，“但很多人愿意相信或……假装相信它是真正的民主。”这个空旷得有些可怕的首都是缅甸的将军们专门打造的。

Ms Suu Kyi said she had not given up on being president, even though many doubt she can overturn a constitutional provision that bars her selection by a post-election parliament because her children are not Myanmar nationals. She said constitutional reform was a “live issue” in parliament, on both this provision and another that guarantees the military a quarter of seats in the legislature and, in effect, a veto on constitutional reform.

昂山素季表示，尽管很多人认为她无力推翻一项禁止大选后的议会选她为总统的宪法条款（她因自己的子女并非缅甸籍而无资格出任总统），但她并没有放弃当总统的想法。她表示，针对这项条款以及一项保证军方在议会获得四分之一席位的条款进行宪法改革是议会面临的一个“紧迫问题”，后一项条款实际上使得军方拥有了对宪法改革的否决权。

“I am sure it will change, but when I cannot say,” Ms Suu Kyi, who will turn 70 this year, said of the legal block on her candidacy. “But this kind of clause cannot exist forever.”

“我敢肯定这点会发生改变，但我不清楚何时会发生，”今年将年满70岁的昂山素季在谈到她总统候选人资格面临的法律障碍时表示，“不过，这类条款不可能永远存在下去。”

Myanmar is still struggling with how to govern itself 130 years after the ousting of King Thibaw by the British in 1885 gave way to long periods of imperial rule or military dictatorship. While Ms Suu Kyi’s battle with the generals for political rights during the past quarter of a century — including more than 15 years under house arrest — is part of the story, the country is also grappling with how to accommodate myriad ethnic groups that have been in conflict with the government for decades and fear the hegemony of the majority Bamar.

1885年，英国人罢黜了缅甸国王锡袍(King Thibaw)，缅甸由此进入了漫长的帝国主义统治或军事独裁统治时期。130年后的今天，缅甸仍在努力解决如何治理本国的问题。尽管过去25年里昂山素季为争取政治权利而与将军们展开斗争（包括遭受超过15年的软禁）是这个故事的一部分，但缅甸还在努力解决如何让国内众多民族融洽相处的问题。几十年来，缅甸的少数民族一直与政府冲突不断，担心占人口多数的缅族称霸。

Ms Suu Kyi said plans of President Thein Sein, a former general, and his almost four-year-old quasi-civilian government for broad-ranging talks with various interest groups were an effort to sabotage the transition by making it chaotic. The government says its proposal is more democratic than the “top-down” approach of negotiations among a few senior political leaders favoured by Ms Suu Kyi.

昂山素季表示，前将军、缅甸现任总统登盛(Thein Sein)及其成立近4年的准文职政府与各利益集团展开广泛谈判的计划，对转型起到了破坏作用，让形势变得混乱不堪。缅甸政府表示，与昂山素季青睐的“自上而下”战略（即几名高级政治领导人之间展开谈判）相比，这一计划要更民主。

Ye Htut, information minister, criticised Ms Suu Kyi’s stance, saying she sometimes talked “too bluntly” about the military. “This kind of speech works in the western political culture but in the Myanmar political culture it will not bring the results she wants,” he said.

缅甸信息部长耶图(Ye Htut)批评昂山素季的立场称，她有时在讨论军方时言语“过于直率”。他表示：“在西方的政治文化中，这种演讲行得通，但在缅甸的政治文化中，这不会给她带来她想要的结果。”

While Ms Suu Kyi was combative at times, she also sought to reassure the military-centred elite that any future government she led would not punish them for past wrongdoings. “We have to move on because I don’t think we can tie ourselves to the past forever,” she said. “The past is there for us to learn from, not for us to be shackled by.”

昂山素季有时表现得好斗，但另一方面她也试图安抚以军方为核心的精英阶层，称将来她领导的政府不会因他们过去犯的错而惩罚他们。“我们必须向前看，因为我不认为我们能够永远把自己与过去捆绑在一起，”她表示，“我们要从过去吸取教训，而不是让过去束缚我们。”

Ms Suu Kyi declined to go into detail on her National League for Democracy’s policies on the economy, foreign investment and resource-licensing, amid growing concerns over issues ranging from huge China-backed dam projects to the smuggling of drugs, gems and timber. She stressed instead the need first to cut corruption — starting within the government itself — and build the rule of law in a country where institutions have been hollowed by the military.

在一系列问题——从中国投资的大型水坝工程到毒品、宝石和木材走私等——引起越来越大担忧之际，昂山素季拒绝详细透露她领导的全国民主联盟(National League for Democracy)的经济、外商投资及资源牌照政策。相反，她强调，有必要先在这个各层机构已被军方掏空的国家减少腐败（从缅甸政府自身开始）并建立法治。

“This is not just an economic matter. It’s very much a political matter,” she said, referring partly to resource-sharing agreements with ethnic minorities.

她表示：“这不仅是一个经济问题，而且在很大程度上是一个政治问题。”她在某种程度上指的是与少数民族的资源共享协议。

Ms Suu Kyi has faced a backlash from some over her presidential ambitions, although she denied she had faced more criticism since being elected to parliament in 2012.

昂山素季当总统的抱负面临一些人的反对，尽管她否认自2012年经选举进入议会以来自己遭遇了更多批评。

Some Suu Kyi sceptics who are beneficiaries of the status quo worry that she may seek to shake up the established order. Even some admirers say her dominance of the pro-democracy movement has stifled the emergence of alternative leaders and may have stymied earlier possibilities for the military to cede power.

一些得益于现有秩序、对她持怀疑态度的人担心，她可能寻求动摇现有秩序。就连她的某些崇拜者也表示，她在亲民主运动中的主导地位阻碍了其他领导人的出现，而且可能妨碍了之前军方让出权力的可能性。

“What surprises me is this remark that I was not criticised before,” she said. “I was criticised. There were many, many people, including in the west, who said I was not flexible enough, that I should be nicer to the military government — and that if I were more co-operative, they would be nicer to me.”

“让我感到吃惊的是，有人说我以前没受到过批评，”她说，“我受到过批评。很多很多人、包括西方人士都说过：我不够灵活，我应该对军政府更友好些，如果我表现得更为合作，他们也会对我更友好。”