特朗普胜选挑战西方民主模式
Donald Trump’s victory marks a thunderous repudiation of the status quo.
唐纳德.特朗普(Donald Trump)的胜利标志着对现状的惊天颠覆。
The most powerful nation on earth has elected a real estate developer with no experience in government, a self-styled strongman contemptuous of allies, civil discourse and democratic convention.
地球上最强大的国家选举了一个房地产开发商，而这个自诩的强人没有从政经验，而且蔑视盟国、文明对话和民主规矩。
Barring a protean change of personality, Mr Trump’s victory appears to represent a challenge to the western democratic model.
除非特朗普的个性发生突变，否则他的胜选看起来对西方民主模式代表着一个挑战。
Mr Trump has succeeded where Huey Long and George Wallace, American populists of the 20th century, fell well short.
特朗普的成功之处是20世纪的美国民粹主义者休伊.朗(Huey Long)和乔治.华莱士(George Wallace)远远不及的。
In storming to the White House, he has rewritten the presidential campaign playbook.
在问鼎白宫的征途上，特朗普重写了总统竞选的游戏规则。
He ran against the Republican party establishment and saw off all rivals, many with proven track records in office.
他与共和党内的建制派竞争，击败了所有的竞争对手，其中很多人拥有经过验证的从政经验。
Finally, after a campaign long on invective and short on policy, he delivered an improbable victory against Hillary Clinton, the ultimate establishment candidate.
最终，在一场谩骂多过政策辩论的竞选后，他在与终极建制派候选人——希拉里.克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的角逐中赢得了看似不太可能的胜利。
In 2016, Americans preferred a political neophyte with a simple slogan Make America Great Again to a candidate who has served as First Lady, senator for New York and secretary of state.
在2016年，比起一个曾经当过第一夫人、纽约州参议员和国务卿的候选人，美国人更青睐一个以让美国再次伟大起来(Make America Great Again)这个简单标语为号召的政坛新手。
Democrats will be tempted to blame their defeat on Mrs Clinton’s soulless campaign, with a mortal blow delivered by the FBI’s late intervention in the saga of Mrs Clinton’s use of a private email server.
民主党人会忍不住把他们的失败归咎于希拉里缺乏感召力的竞选，而美国联邦调查局(FBI)在临近大选投票的时候再度调查希拉里使用私人邮件服务器的事情，构成了对其竞选的致命一击。
This conveniently ignores the Republicans’ likely clean sweep of the House, Senate and White House — a rebuff not just to Mrs Clinton but also to President Barack Obama, who put his reputation and his legacy on the line in the last days of the campaign.
但完全归咎于希拉里就过于轻飘飘地忽视了一个事实：共和党很可能全面控制众议院、参议院和白宫——这意味着不仅是希拉里，巴拉克.奥巴马(Barack Obama)总统也遭遇挫败，在大选的最后几天，他赌上了自己的名誉和政治遗产。
Excuses also ignore the profound faultlines in American society exposed by the global financial crisis.
种种借口还忽视了全球金融危机暴露出来的美国社会的深刻断层。
Mr Trump’s campaign appealed to nativism, isolationism and protectionism.
特朗普的竞选迎合了本土主义、孤立主义和保护主义。
He railed against immigrants and vowed to build a vast wall to keep them out, at Mexico’s expense.
他大骂移民，誓言修建一堵巨大的高墙把移民挡在境外，还要墨西哥承担造价。
He castigated allies in Europe and Asia, disavowing decades of foreign policy doctrine by suggesting Japan and South Korea could go nuclear to counter security threats from China.
他抨击美国在欧洲和亚洲的盟友，抛弃数十年的外交政策原则，暗示日本和韩国可以发展核武以对抗中国的安全威胁。
He cosied up to Vladimir Putin, coming close to being an apologist for the Kremlin.
他向弗拉基米尔.普京(Vladimir Putin)示好，几乎快成为克里姆林宫的辩护人。
And he pledged to tear up trade agreements such as Nafta and the Trans-Pacific Partnership in order to protect and reclaim American manufacturing jobs.
他还承诺撕毁《北美自由贸易协定》(Nafta)和《跨太平洋伙伴关系协议》(TPP)等贸易协定，以保护和夺回美国的制造业工作岗位。
Mr Trump’s sweeping rhetoric and compulsive tweeting resonated among millions of Americans who have felt marginalised by globalisation.
特朗普的笼统大话和强迫性的推文，引起数以百万计觉得自己受到全球化排挤的美国人的共鸣。
The free movement of capital, goods, labour and services is one of the great achievements of the postwar era.
资本、商品、劳动力和服务的自由流动是战后伟大成就之一。
Globalisation has lifted millions out of poverty, especially in Asia.
全球化使数以百万计的人摆脱贫困，特别是在亚洲。
In the US, as told by Mr Trump, globalisation and free trade have rewarded a privileged few.
在美国，按照特朗普所言，全球化和自由贸易让少数特权阶层获益。
Inequality has risen, median incomes have stagnated or fallen in real terms in recent years, especially among the uneducated or undereducated with no college degree.
近年不平等加剧，收入中位数按实际价值计算陷入停滞甚至下降，尤其是对于那些没有高校学位、未受过教育或教育程度不高的人。
There is, of course, an alternative narrative which highlights the inherent resilience of the US economy, its capacity to innovate and produce world-class winners, especially in technology epitomised by Silicon Valley.
当然还有一个替代叙述，它强调美国经济的内在韧性、创新能力以及涌现世界级赢家的能力，尤其是在硅谷所代表的高科技领域。
But Mrs Clinton, remote and often robotic, failed to counter with a compelling vision of change.
但是不接地气、经常像个机器人似的希拉里未能提出一个打动人心的改变愿景来反驳特朗普的理论。
What, then, are the prospects for a Trump presidency? The optimistic view is that the mean-spirited, Muslim-baiting candidate will transform once inside the White House.
那么，特朗普总统任期的前景是什么？乐观的看法是，这位心胸狭窄、恐惧穆斯林的候选人在入主白宫后会发生转变。
Such a change looks improbable, at this stage.
现阶段这种改变貌似不太可能。
His temperament may not allow it.
他的气质可能决定了他不会转变。
He can also argue, justifiably, that his tactics, however outrageous won him the presidency.
他还可以理直气壮地辩称，他的战术不管怎么骇人，毕竟帮他赢得了总统职位。
He had a chance to pivot toward a more responsible middle ground after the Republican convention and he chose not to do so.
共和党大会后，他曾有机会转向更负责任的中间立场，但他选择不这么做。
Mr Trump might nevertheless reflect that his victory does give him a second chance.
然后特朗普可能还是会领悟到，他的胜利确实给了他第二次机会。
He has to pick a team to carry out his agenda.
他必须挑选一个团队来推行他的议程。
He must work with Congress, notably Paul Ryan, the House speaker, whom he has regularly derided.
他必须与国会合作，尤其是他经常嘲讽的众议院议长保罗.瑞安(Paul Ryan)。
Mr Trump prides himself on understanding the art of the deal.
特朗普自豪于自己懂得做交易的艺术。
He must realise that the business of government cannot be driven by personal feuds.
他必须意识到，政府事务不能受个人矛盾的驱动。
Politics in a democracy is the art of compromise.
在一个民主政体，政治是妥协的艺术。
The world will be nervously watching Mr Trump’s first moves.
全世界将紧张地看着特朗普迈出第一步。
So will financial markets, which have taken initial fright.
金融市场也一样；市场已经受到最初的惊吓。
This is a moment of great peril.
这是一个极端危险的时刻。
Mr Trump’s victory, coming after the Brexit referendum vote in Britain, looks like another grievous blow to the liberal international order.
继英国通过全面公投决定退欧之后，特朗普的胜利很可能是自由主义国际秩序遭受的又一次沉重打击。
Mr Trump must decide, by his actions and words, whether he intends to contribute to the great unravelling, at incalculable cost to the west.
特朗普必须用他的行动和话语来决定，他是不是有意加剧这种秩序的大解体，让西方付出不可估量的代价。
