双语畅销书《我是马拉拉》第7章:穆夫提(13)

In 2004, after resisting pressure from Washington for more than two and a half years, General Musharraf sent the army into the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), seven agencies that lie along the border with Afghanistan, where the government had little control. The Americans claimed that al-Qaeda militants who had fled from Afghanistan during the US bombing were using the areas as a safe haven, taking advantage of our Pashtun hospitality. From there they were running training camps and launching raids across the border on NATO troops. For us in Swat this was very close to home. One of the agencies, Bajaur, is next to Swat. The people who live in the FATA are all from Pashtun tribes like us Yousafzai, and live on both sides of the border with Afghanistan.

2004年，在抵抗华盛顿的施压两年半之后。穆沙拉夫将军派军队进入联邦直辖部落地区（FATA），有七个部落区沿着我们和阿富汗的国界坐落在此，政府对这里没有太大的管辖权力。美国宣称当他们轰炸阿富汗时，基地激进分子利用这个区域作为避风港逃离阿富汗，利用普什图人的好客习俗帮他们避难。在这里，他们组织训练营，跨越国境向北约军队发动攻击。对我们在斯瓦特的人来说，这里已经离家很近了。其中一个部落，巴焦尔，就在斯瓦特旁边。住在联邦直辖部落地区的人全都来自普什图部落，例如优素福扎伊，他们与阿富汗人跨越国界生活在一起。

The tribal agencies were created in British times as a buffer zone between Afghanistan and what was then India, and they are still run in the same way, administered by tribal chiefs or elders known as maliks. Unfortunately, the maliks make little difference. In truth the tribal areas are not governed at all. They are forgotten places of harsh rocky valleys where people scrape by on smuggling. (The average annual income is just $250 – half the Pakistani average.) They have very few hospitals and schools, particularly for girls, and political parties were not allowed there until recently. Hardly any women from these areas can read. The people are renowned for their fierceness and independence, as you can see if you read any of the old British accounts.

部落区是在英属时期划出的，作为阿富汗和当时印度的缓冲地带，印度也以相同的方法管理这里，管理者是部落的酋长和长老，又称马利克。不幸的是，马利克没有什么权力。实际上，部落特区可以说处于无政府状态。这里好似一片被遗忘了的土地，只有陡峭的石壁峡谷，居民靠走私勉强糊口。这里人的年平均收入只有250美金，是巴基斯坦人收入的一半。这里很少有医院和学校，特别是女校，而且直到最近才开放组织政治党派。这些地区的妇女几乎目不识丁。当地人以凶悍与独立著称，如果你看过一些英国文献，就会知道这一点。

Our army had never before gone into the FATA. Instead they had maintained indirect control in the same way the British had, relying on the Pashtun-recruited Frontier Corps rather than regular soldiers. Sending in the regular army was a tough decision. Not only did our army and ISI have long links with some of the militants, but it also meant our troops would be fighting their own Pashtun brothers. The first tribal area that the army entered was South Waziristan, in March 2004. Predictably the local people saw it as an attack on their way of life. All the men there carry weapons and hundreds of soldiers were killed when the locals revolted.

我们的军队在此之前从未涉足过联邦直辖部落地区。政府不派真正的士兵，而是以普什图人组织的边防警察间接管辖当地。派正式军队进入当地是一个艰难的决定。不只是因为我们的军队和ISI长久以来一直与几个激进分子有联系，也代表我们的军队将要和他们的普什图手足开战。2004年3月，军队首次进入部落区，南瓦济里斯坦。可想而知，当地人奋起反抗，将其视为对他们生活方式的入侵行为。当地所有男人都拿起武器，冲突爆发，死了数百名士兵。

The army was in shock. Some men refused to fight, not wishing to battle their own people. They retreated after just twelve days and reached what they called a ‘negotiated peace settlement’ with local militant leaders like Nek Mohammad. This involved the army bribing them to halt all attacks and keep out foreign fighters. The militants simply used the cash to buy more weapons and resumed their activities. A few months later came the first attack on Pakistan by a US drone.

军队对此非常震惊。有些战士拒绝作战，因为他们不想和自己的兄弟打仗。仅12天，军队便撤退了，开始与当地军事首领，包括内克·穆罕默德等，讨论他们所称的《和平协商协议》。这包含了军队买通军事首领停止所有的攻击行动，并阻止外国军队介入。军事首领则用这些钱去购买更多武器，然后继续发动攻击。几个月后，美国无人侦察机发动了第一起对巴基斯坦的攻击事件。