法国纵容排外主义将加剧欧洲难民危机

You thought the eurozone crisis was bad. Today, Europe faces no greater challenge than the mass exodus of refugees seeking a haven from the carnage in Syria and the turmoil in north Africa and the Sahel. It is equally clear that both the EU’s response and its institutions have proved woefully inadequate.

你或许认为欧元区危机很严重。如今，欧洲面临的最严峻挑战莫过于大批难民的涌入，他们是为了逃离叙利亚的大屠杀，北非和萨赫勒地区的动乱。同样清楚的是，事实证明，欧盟的反应及其收容机构都严重不足。

The question of immigration, a visceral issue in the way the single currency is not, is driving a wedge between EU populations and their governments, between member states and indeed between the EU itself and the values on which it was founded.

移民问题——不同于单一货币，这是一个触动人心的问题——正在欧盟各国民众与本国政府之间造成隔阂、破坏成员国之间的关系，实际上也使欧盟自身偏离其所植根的价值观。

France — a country at the same time Mediterranean, Atlantic and continental — is at the heart of this new storm. It has a xenophobic and illiberal force all too keen to take advantage of popular fears about the impact of migration in the shape of the National Front, Europe’s largest extreme rightwing party, with a base representing some 25 per cent of the electorate. But, until now, Paris has not indicated that it has any clue how to cope.

作为一个毗邻地中海、大西洋的欧洲大陆国家，法国正处于这场新风暴的中心。法国存在一股排外、狭隘的势力，他们极其热衷于利用民众对移民所造成影响的恐惧，那就是欧洲最大极右翼政党，法国国民阵线(National Front)，该党获得了法国全体选民约25%的选票。但法国政府迟迟未表明如何应对难民问题。

The current scale of Europe’s refugee problem is daunting. More than 100,000 boat-people arrived in the EU just in the month of July alone. The bloc’s leaders have agreed no coherent response. A recent meeting in Berlin between President Hollande of France and Angela Merkel, German chancellor, proved particularly bereft of content. The divisions between member states are growing unsustainable, with Germany, taking on board some 40 per cent of the EU’s new asylum seekers, while Britain only takes 4 per cent and France a scarcely less dismal 8 per cent.

当前欧洲难民问题的严重程度令人震惊。仅在7月，就有超过10万难民乘船抵达欧盟。欧盟领导人并未就此达成一致的应对措施。法国总统弗朗索瓦攠朗德 Hollande)与德国总理安格拉默克尔(Angela Merkel)最近在柏林的会谈尤其空洞。欧盟成员国之间的分歧愈发不可调和，德国要接纳约40%新到欧盟的寻求避难者，而英国仅接纳4%，法国也才接纳8%。

Meanwhile pleas by Brussels and Berlin for the EU to share out asylum seekers equitably between member states have fallen on barren ground. Each country is preoccupied with its own story — as Britain is, for example, with the rise of net migration to all-time highs. Beggar-my-neighbour stances by established parties and outright xenophobia by their insurgent challengers are on the rise.

与此同时，布鲁塞尔与柏林方面关于欧盟成员国合理摊派接收避难者的呼吁也如同泥牛入海。每个国家都在忙于应对自己的问题——例如，英国的净移民数量已升至历史最高位。老牌政党以邻为壑的立场以及反对派挑战者彻底的仇外情绪都在上升。

The recent attack aboard a Thalys high-speed train between the Netherlands and France has further stoked fears of cross-border terrorism and mutterings about the Schengen area of passport-free travel. The deliberate conflation by demagogues of immigration, the refugee exodus, the spread of Islam and jihadi terrorism is as emotionally powerful as it is factually spurious.

最近发生在一趟往返荷兰与法国的大力士(Thalys)高铁列车上的袭击事件，进一步引发了对跨境恐怖主义的担忧以及对申根区(Schengen area)免签证旅行安排的不满。煽动民心的政客故意将移民、难民外逃以及伊斯兰教和圣战恐怖主义的传播混淆到一起，虽然事实并非如此，但其在情感上的影响是巨大的。

This is a backdrop against which a noxious force such as the National Front can prosper. It is France’s good fortune that the far-right group has largely sabotaged itself through the spat between Marine Le Pen, its leader, and Jean-Marie Le Pen, her father and the party’s founder. But Ms Le Pen and her forces have time to retrieve their position before 2017’s presidential elections, and are already dragging French politics towards the anti-liberal, anti-European right.

正是在这种背景下，法国国民阵线等邪恶势力得以崛起。法国很幸运，这个极右政党因其领导人马琳勒庞(Marine Le Pen)与自己的父亲、该党创始人让-马里勒庞(Jean-Marie Le Pen)之间的争执已经在很大程度上削弱了自身实力。但马琳勒庞及其势力在2017年的总统选举之前还有时间来恢复自己的地位，他们已经在将法国政治拖向反自由主义、反欧洲的右倾路线。

France needs a principled and more coherent alternative to the National Front; the EU needs a response to the immigration crisis that lives up to rather than falls short of its values. At present, most EU member states, France included, are not providing the systematic right of asylum to which war-refugees are entitled under international humanitarian law or by common decency.

法国需要一个有原则、更加团结的政党来代替国民阵线；欧盟应该拿出符合其价值观的应对移民危机的措施。目前，大多数欧盟成员国（包括法国）都未向难民们提供国际人道主义法或人类共有的道德行为准则赋予战争难民的系统性庇护权。

This may not matter to the National Front’s core electorate, but it does mean that mainstream policy has largely conceded defeat when it comes to values. Europe is better than this; so is France. Europe’s leaders need to live up to our responsibilities as humans and as neighbours, assume part of the burden, and talk straight to the electorate. Continued European and French fecklessness will only improve the far-right’s prospects of success, and deepen what is already an unprecedented crisis.

这对于国民阵线的核心支持者来说或许并不重要，但它的确意味着，主流政策在价值观方面已大体承认是失败的。欧洲的情况要好一些；法国也是如此。欧洲领导人需要履行我们作为人类和邻居的责任，承担部分重担，并向选民坦率直言。欧洲与法国持续的不作为只会提高极右翼势力未来成功的可能性，使这场本已空前的危机愈演愈烈。